{"id":5078,"date":"2026-04-04T16:44:25","date_gmt":"2026-04-04T16:44:25","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/ncpmashal.org\/?p=5078"},"modified":"2026-04-04T16:44:25","modified_gmt":"2026-04-04T16:44:25","slug":"press-statement-3-26-2026","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/ncpmashal.org\/?p=5078","title":{"rendered":"Press Statement (3\/26\/2026)"},"content":{"rendered":"<div style=\"margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px;\" class=\"sharethis-inline-share-buttons\" ><\/div><div class=\"article-header right\">\n<h1><img decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-4619 aligncenter\" src=\"https:\/\/ncpmashal.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/ICOR-300x144.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"300\" height=\"144\" \/><\/h1>\n<h1 class=\"headline-md\">Press Statement<\/h1>\n<div class=\"card_author_and_date\"><span class=\"card__author\">Nepal Communist Party (Mashal), Central Office,<\/span><span class=\"card__date\">\u00a0<time title=\"Thursday, March 26, 2026 at 1:00 AM\" datetime=\"2026-03-26\">3\/26\/2026<\/time><\/span><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<p>The meeting of the CPN (Mashal) P.B., held on March 26, 2026, has drawn the following conclusions regarding the Karki Commission report that was recently made public in various media outlets.<\/p>\n<ol>\n<li>The report of the Commission of Inquiry has been made public, albeit unofficially. Although the report has not been formally released by the government, it is generally accepted as official. Before considering the issues mentioned in the report, it is necessary to first examine the nature of the commission itself. The commission is not impartial, and its foundation is weak from a moral standpoint. In essence, it can be said that the commission was not qualified to fulfill the responsibility given to it to investigate the incidents of September 8 and 9, 2025. Thus, there is no doubt that the commission was formed in a conspiratorial and biased manner to fulfill a specific objective.<\/li>\n<li>There was a need to conduct a fair, just, and fearless investigation into the incidents that took place on September 8 and 9 and to recommend punishment for the guilty according to their crimes. However, the person under whose chairmanship the commission was formed was not suitable for that role. Even before the formation of the commission, he had made biased statements suggesting that various leaders or parties should be severely punished. It was clear that a fair investigation could not be conducted by such a person. A case was also filed in the Supreme Court regarding the matter, and the Court stated that since the issue was related to morality, the person concerned had the right to decide. This decision itself indicated that he was not morally suitable to chair the commission. The more important question is not whether he accepted the position from a moral perspective, but why the interim government appointed such a biased or controversial individual in the first place. It is clear that the formation of the interim government under the leadership of Sushila Karki was influenced by the so-called Gen-Z leadership. Therefore, it is evident that the commission was formed to fulfill the objectives of the alleged Gen-Z, and the report reflects those interests.<\/li>\n<li>Oli has declared the commission of inquiry to be completely baseless. While it is true that the chairman of the commission appeared biased from the beginning, and that he may not have been the right person to conduct the investigation, it is also biased to dismiss the entire report as baseless. As stated in the report, it cannot be justified under any circumstances that the Prime Minister made no effort to stop such a large-scale massacre while it continued for several hours. It is unreasonable to assume that he had no knowledge of the incident. His silence during the shooting suggests implicit approval of the actions taken. He has attempted to defend himself legally by arguing that the relevant section of the Civil Code does not apply to someone not physically present at the scene. However, the central issue is not legal technicality but political responsibility. Why was the incident not stopped when it was occurring? That is the key question. Oli&#8217;s government is clearly responsible, and action must be taken. His long-standing authoritarian tendencies contributed to the tragedy. This was not an ordinary incident but a brutal and inhuman act. His attempts to portray himself as innocent are baseless and unconvincing.<\/li>\n<li>The Gen-Z movement on September 8 was peaceful. When it began to turn violent, the organizers urged participants to return home. However, the movement was deliberately incited into violence: police barracks were attacked, and the parliament building was vandalized. Such actions were not part of the Gen-Z program. These acts were carried out by non-Gen-Z or so-called Gen-Z elements. There is strong reason to believe that these actions were aligned with a broader strategy of foreign influence aimed at destabilizing Nepal. The report mentions that the TOB Group attempted to turn the movement violent and notes their support for \u201cindependent Tibet\u201d or the Dalai Lama. While recommendations against them may be justified, the report fails to address other critical elements. Evidence suggests that the primary role in escalating the violence was played by so-called Gen-Z elements. The omission of this aspect indicates that the report was prepared in a one-sided manner.<\/li>\n<li>The Karki Commission was tasked with investigating the incidents of both September 8 and 9. However, it has largely focused on September 8, and even then, only partially. It fails to identify the main actors responsible for turning the peaceful protest violent. There were widespread claims that certain political figures were directing events from behind the scenes. These claims raise serious questions that the commission failed to investigate. Similarly, the role of other groups involved in the movement was not adequately examined. Some organizations openly claimed leadership of the movement, yet their actions were not scrutinized. It is evident that several elements worked in a coordinated manner to incite violence, but the commission avoided investigating them. This selective approach further demonstrates the biased nature of the report.<\/li>\n<li>Although the commission was also responsible for investigating the events of September 9, it admits that it did not do so. This is a serious concern. The widespread incidents of vandalism and arson that day were highly organized and could not have occurred spontaneously. Such actions require planning and coordination. There is also evidence suggesting involvement by various political actors and organized groups. The report acknowledges the existence of mobile footage and other evidence, yet fails to act on it. This raises serious questions about the commission\u2019s intent. It appears that the events of September 9 were deliberately excluded to protect certain individuals or groups. The report also notes that the police and army failed to act effectively, but does not adequately address accountability at higher levels.<\/li>\n<li>Another example of the commission\u2019s bias is its selective reporting. On September 9, the office of the National People&#8217;s Front (NPF) was vandalized and set on fire in Butwal, Rupandehi. While the report documents other incidents in the area, it omits this one. Similar omissions occur regarding incidents in Pyuthan and Arghakhanchi. Given that these incidents were officially recorded, their exclusion raises questions about political influence. This further reinforces the conclusion that the commission did not conduct an impartial investigation and that its findings are incomplete and biased.<\/li>\n<li>The commission also exceeded its jurisdiction in certain areas. It suggested that constitution-making responsibilities be handed over entirely to the Supreme Court. This idea directly contradicts the democratic principle of separation of powers and is inappropriate for a commission of this nature.<\/li>\n<li>Regarding implementation, while the commission has made some valid observations about the Oli government\u2019s role in the events of September 8, much of its work remains biased and incomplete. It ignores key actors involved in the violence and fails to investigate the events of September 9. Nevertheless, the need for a fair and comprehensive investigation remains. The events of September 8 and 9 must be examined impartially, and those responsible must be held accountable. Without accountability, a culture of impunity will persist. Similarly, misconceptions arising from the commission\u2019s overreach must be addressed.<\/li>\n<li>While issues such as the dissolution of parliament, the announcement of elections, and the commission\u2019s biased report are significant, they are ultimately secondary. The primary issue is the broader geopolitical strategy influencing Nepal. External forces have sought to shape political outcomes, and the domestic environment has enabled this to occur. The consequences of this situation may be serious and long-lasting. Addressing it will require heightened political awareness and active engagement from the public.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>Mohan Bikram Singh<br \/>\nGeneral Secretary<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Press Statement Nepal Communist Party (Mashal), Central Office,\u00a03\/26\/2026 The meeting of the CPN (Mashal) P.B., held on March 26, 2026, 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href=\"https:\/\/ncpmashal.org\/?cat=151\" rel=\"category\">English<\/a> <a href=\"https:\/\/ncpmashal.org\/?cat=145\" rel=\"category\">\u0905\u0928\u094d\u0924\u0930\u093e\u0937\u094d\u091f\u094d\u0930\u093f\u092f<\/a>","rttpg_excerpt":"Press Statement Nepal Communist Party (Mashal), Central Office,\u00a03\/26\/2026 The meeting of the CPN (Mashal) P.B., held on March 26, 2026, 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